Most professional historians provide “a basically negative understanding of American history”
If you’re old enough to remember the Soviet Union,
writes
Naomi Schaefer Riley in her
Wall Street Journal interview of
Wilfred McClay,
you’ve probably
wondered why so many young people today seem attracted to socialism. One
influence is Howard Zinn, who published “A People’s History of the
United States” in 1980, the year before the first millennials were born.
The book “continues to be assigned in countless college and
high-school courses, but its commercial sales have remained strong as
well” [which is nothing less than an outrage].
… Historian Wilfred McClay aspires to be
the antidote to Zinn, whom he accuses of “greatly oversimplifying the
past and turning American history into a comic-book melodrama in which
‘the people’ are constantly being abused by ‘the rulers.’ ” Mr. McClay’s
counterpoint, which comes out next week, is titled “Land of Hope: An
Invitation to the Great American Story.”
He says he doesn’t mean his new book as “some saccharine
whitewash of American history.” But he’s seen too many students drawn to
Zinn because the standard textbooks are visionless and tedious. “Just
as nature abhors a vacuum,” Mr. McClay says, “so a culture will find
some kind of grand narrative of itself to feed upon, even a poisonous
one.”
A lousy story is better than no story at all: “We historians
have for years been supplying an account of the American past that is so
unedifying and lacking in larger perspective that Zinn’s sweeping
melodrama looks good by comparison. Zinn’s success is indicative of our
failure. We have to do better.”
… in the new book he observes that it’s “hard to read about”
early-19th-century America “without thinking of the series of events
culminating in the coming of the Civil War as if they were predictable
stages in a preordained outcome. Like the audience for a Greek tragedy,
we come to this great American drama already knowing the general plot,”
and susceptible to the illusion that it was written in advance. He urges
readers to resist “that habit of mind” and remember that people at the
time had no foresight to match our hindsight.
What gets him most riled up is what he sees as an abdication.
“When you teach an introductory course in American history,” he says,
“you really have a responsibility . . . to reflect in some way the
national story, in a way that is conducive to the development of the
outlook and skills of a citizen—of an engaged, patriotic, serious
citizen.” Most professional historians don’t “take that mandate very
seriously at all,” and instead provide “a basically negative
understanding of American history.”
He says proudly that they reciprocate his aversion. When he
meets colleagues at conventions and tells them the name of his book,
“they just kind of look at me and say, ‘Oh my God, what have you been
smoking?’ . . . When I say it has the word ‘Great,’ in ‘the Great
American Story,’ then they’re even more dubious.”
Mr. McClay’s objective in “Land of Hope” is to help readers
develop a sense of perspective and “a mastery of the detail” of American
history. The Zinn approach allows them to be lazy: “Why learn what the
Wilmot Proviso was, or what exactly went into the Compromise of 1850,
when you could just say we had this original sin of slavery?”
By contrast, “Land of Hope” delves into the complexity of the
Founders’ debates over slavery. Many expected it would eventually end on
its own, or believed the alternative to accepting it—abandoning the
union—was worse. Some were conflicted. The book describes George Mason
as “a slaveholder but also a Christian who labeled the trade an
‘infernal traffic,’ ” and adds: “Mason feared the corrupting spread of
slavery through the nation, which would bring the ‘judgement of Heaven’
down severely upon any country in which bondage was widespread and
blandly accepted.” The Founders had to weigh what was possible, not just
what was ideal—and Mr. McClay thinks it’s unfair to denounce them for
failing to meet today’s standards.
Similarly, he says that when he talks about the wise and loving
letters between John and Abigail Adams, “students will say, ‘Yeah, but
you know, women couldn’t own property and couldn’t vote.’ ” True enough,
but Mr. McClay responds with a challenge: “Well, compared to what? Were
things better for women in sub-Saharan Africa? Were they better in
France? And generally they can’t answer the question. What they do is
they measure the country’s history against an abstract standard of
perfection, against which it’s always going to fall short.”
Mr. McClay decries the impulse to “condescend toward
history”—and tear down monuments or withdraw honors from historical
figures who offend today’s sensibilities. He says he isn’t trying to
“reduce everything to context,” only to acknowledge that leaders from
Thomas Jefferson to Martin Luther King were complicated, and that their
flaws are “no reason to rob them” of recognition for the “truly heroic
things that they accomplished.”
Take Woodrow Wilson, recently the subject of controversy at
Princeton University, where he was president from 1902-10. Critics want
to remove his name from the School of Public and International Affairs
because of his bad record on race. Mr. McClay isn’t a fan of President
Wilson’s diplomatic efforts and criticizes his suppression of dissent
during World War I. But when the U.S. entered that war, Mr. McClay says,
“it was a moment for all hands on deck, and Wilson proved to be an
excellent wartime leader.” The professor praises the 28th president as
“acutely attuned . . . to the maintenance of public morale.”
Ideological bias in history textbooks is bad enough when the
events occurred a century or more ago. “Especially once you get past,
say, 1960 or 1964,” Mr. McClay says, “it just gets awful.” When
examining the recent past, “it’s very, very, very hard to have any kind
of perspective, other than whatever your own partisan persuasion is.”
He adds that some recent history books are “somewhat
disfigured” by the way in which the understanding of recent history is
“projected back on to the past.”
… Mr. McClay is even harsher on history textbooks: “They’re
completely unreadable because they’re assembled by committee, by
graduate students who write little bits and pieces of them. I’m not
convinced that most of the textbooks that have the names of very eminent
historians on the cover were actually read by them, let alone written
by them.”
There are also the committees that approve them—state and local
school boards, which answer to a variety of “stakeholders.” Members of
every racial, cultural and religious group want a say in how they and
events important to them are described. Mr. McClay opted to dispense
with that process, and “Land of Hope” is being published by a
conservative house, Encounter Books. He probably won’t sell many copies
to public schools, but he hopes there are enough private and religious
and charter schools, not to mention home-schoolers, that it will find a
market.
… Unlike many modern textbooks, “Land of Hope” has no sidebars or charts; a
few maps and portraits provide the only distractions from the text. Mr.
McClay writes with a literary quality, as when he likens Lincoln to
Moses, “cruelly denied entry into the promised land of a restored Union,
denied the satisfaction of seeing that new birth of freedom he had
labored so long to achieve.”
… In the classroom, he endeavors to cultivate a longer view. When
he explains the Constitution, he reminds students—or lets them know for
the first time—that “conflict is part of the human condition and can
never be eliminated. Neither can the desire for power and the tendency
to abuse it.”
… When he taught at Tulane in the late 1980s and early ’90s, he
recalls, “almost every applicant for graduate study wanted to work on
the civil-rights movement—even though we didn’t have a single person on
the faculty at that time who was an expert on the subject.” It’s easy to
see the attraction, but he worries about the expectation that history
will “provide an agenda for a moral crusade.”
“Very few moments of conflict have the moral clarity of that
particular historical moment,” Mr. McClay cautions, “and we fall into
error when we try to repeat it again and again.” Instead, he encourages
students to appreciate the nobility all around them. “Gosh,” he says,
“as Americans, you are part of what is arguably the most exciting
enterprise in human history.”
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